Multi Moving Average Cross Zonen


Von Sydney J. Freedberg Jr. am September 27, 2016 at 6:46 PM Ein Soldat der Armee stellt eine Hochfrequenzantenne ein. Tage vor der größten Verteidigungskonferenz des Jahres. Einer der Army8217s Top-Denker ist Enthüllung der service8217s neuen Push zu erweitern ihre Rolle über ihre traditionelle Domäne 8212 Land 8212 zu Luft, Meer, Raum und Cyberspace. Selbst wenn der US-Verteidigungshaushalt schrumpft, setzt die Armee neue Investitionen in die Drohungen ein. Hacking-Netzwerke. Jamming-Übertragungen. Und sogar sinkende Schiffe auf See. Weit davon entfernt, Inter-Service-Rivalität auszulösen, scheint das ehrgeizige Konzept der Armee jedoch ein Buy-In von seinen Schwesterdiensten und dem Büro des Verteidigungsministers zu haben. Schauen Sie sich das Lineup für Dienstags-Panel auf Multi-Domain-Schlacht an der massiven Vereinigung der US-Armee-Konferenz. Neben Army Brass wie Training amp Doktrin Chef Gen. David Perkins, haben Sie den Stellvertretenden Verteidigungsminister Bob Work. Harry Harris (über VTC) Navy Unterstaatssekretär Janine Davidson Marineinfanteriekommandant General Robert Neller Luftwaffe Chef des Stabes, Gen. David Goldfein und G. David Goldfein und der Chefarchitekt des Dritten Offset - Strategie - Chefs des US - Pazifik - Kommandos Australien 8216s Armys Kopf der Modernisierung, Major Gen. Gus McLachlan Die Armee umarmte zuerst, was es 8220cross-Domain-Operationen8221 mit dem Army Operating Concept, dass Gen. Perkins promulgated im Jahr 2014. Als it8217s entwickelt, da Multi-Domain-Schlacht-Konzept hat wirklich resoniert Mit dem stellvertretenden Sekretär und seine Prioritäten, sagte Lt. Gen. HR McMaster. Der iconoclastic Krieger-Intellektueller, der für Gen. Perkins als der Armeehauptfuturist arbeitet. Grafische Höflichkeit Sen. Dan Sullivan Die Bedrohung, die Works Offset-Strategie fördert und die jedes Mitglied dieses Panels animiert, ist der Aufstieg Chinas und Rußlands. Diese Peer-Konkurrenten werden immer aggressiver und mächtiger, betonte McMaster und eroberte Territorien von der Krim zum Südchinesischen Meer, auch wenn sie ihre Militärs modernisierten. Der Vorsitzende der Joint Chiefs of Staff, Marine Gen. Joe Dunford, rief Russland unsere größte potenzielle Bedrohung und forderte einen neuen strategischen Ansatz nicht durch künstliche Gerichtsbarkeit zwischen geografischen Theatern, oder sogar zwischen Krieg und Frieden 8212 Linien unsere Gegner kein Respekt . Russland. China. Und sogar kleinere Mächte wie Iran investieren in so genannte Anti-AccessArea Denial (A2AD). Diese ausgeklügelten Netze von weitreichenden Raketen und Sensoren 8212, die von U-Booten, Streikflugzeugen, Minen unterstützt werden. Und andere Kräfte 8212 sind dazu bestimmt, US-Schiffe und Flugzeuge zu erkennen und zu zerstören, die in Hunderte von Meilen kommen. Die A2AD-Gefahrenzonen erstrecken sich bereits gut in das Gebiet der US-Verbündeten wie das Baltikum. Polen und Taiwan. Lesen Sie alle unsere AUSA 2016 Coverage Hier haben wir erkannt, dass waren hinter in einigen kritischen Bereichen, sagte McMaster Reportern am Nachmittag. (Zurück im April ging er so weit, zu sagen, dass zukünftige Armee-Kräfte übertrieben und übertrieben werden könnten.) Alle Domains werden in einer Weise bestritten, die wir seit 1991 nicht mehr gesehen haben. Das bedeutet, dass die Armee sich nicht länger auf andere Dienstleistungsfähigkeiten verlassen kann Dinge, die wir angenommen hätten, könnten sie tun, sagte McMaster. Soldaten und Marinesoldaten in Afghanistan und im Irak verließen sich auf Luftmacht, um harte Ziele zu schlagen, belauschen auf feindliche Übertragungen, Stau-Trigger-Signale für Straßenrandbomben und evakuieren Opfer 8212 ganz zu schweigen von den Himmeln sauber von feindlichen Flugzeugen. Wenn A2AD halten US-Flugzeuge aus, auch wenn nur zu Beginn des Konflikts, Bodentruppen in der Kriegszone werden auf eigene Faust. Auf der Flipseite bedeutet die neue Bedrohung auch, dass die anderen Dienste die Armeehilfe in ihren Gebieten nutzen könnten, so wie die Air Force und Navy der Armee auf Land in Afghanistan und im Irak geholfen haben. Die Idee ist, dass Armee-Kräfte eine grundlegende Rolle bei der Lösung dieser Anti-AccessArea Denial-Problem-Set spielen kann, sagte McMaster zunehmend projiziert Macht nach außen aus dem Land. A2AD geht es darum, US-Streitkräfte zu behalten, aber wenn Armee-Truppen auf freundlichen Boden vor dem Schießen ansetzen, halten sie die Tür offen. Wenn Sie bereits dort, seine nicht verweigerten Raum, seine von Anfang an bestritten, sagte McMaster. Es ist nicht nur der Boden der Armee kann bestreiten. Defensiv-, Patriot - und THAAD-Batterien sind bereits entscheidend für die Beibehaltung feindlicher Luftkräfte 8212-Bomber und ballistischer Raketen 8212 von wütenden Luftbasen und Häfen. Offensiv können Armee-Oberflächen-ATACMS-Raketen und die zukünftige LRPF-Rakete (Long Range Precision Fires) feindliche Raketenwerfer, Radare und Kommandostationen auf dem Boden schlagen. THAAD-Raketenstart. Jetzt stell dir vor, eine Art von Anti-Schiff-Fähigkeit hinzufügen, um Ziele auf See zu schlagen. Dies wäre entweder Anti-Schiff-Cruise-Raketen oder exotische Artillerie-Runden wie die Anti-Schiff Excalibur oder das Hyper-Velocity-Projektil (HVP), obwohl McMaster nicht angegeben, die. Weitere vorstellen Hinzufügen von Cyber-und elektronischen Kriegsführung Kapazitäten zu hacken und verstopfen die Befehlsnetze, die ein A2AD-Systeme disparate Teile zusammenhalten. Die Artillerie-Batterien der Zukunft haben, integriert in die Batterien, Oberflächen-Oberfläche, Oberfläche-Luft-und Ufer-zu-Schiff-Fähigkeiten, sagte McMaster. (Artillerie enthält sowohl Haubitzen und Raketen in Armee Parlance, so ist es nicht klar, was die Zukunft Anti-Schiff-Waffe verwenden würde). Die Armee hat auch das Artillerie-Hauptquartier in seinen Kampfabteilungen verstärkt, desto besser koordinieren komplexe Staustufen in mehreren Bereichen. Ein Soldat hält eine PD-100 Mini-Drohne während des PACMAN-I Experiments auf Hawaii. Modernisierung der Armee Kurzfristig konzentriert sich die Armee auf Selbstverteidigung mit einem neuen Anti-Flugzeug-System 8212 speziell, einem unbemannten Flugzeugsystem. Russische Kräfte in der Ukraine haben billige Drohnen verwendet, um Ziele für schwere Artillerie zu markieren. Mit verheerender Wirkung. Aber die US-Armee hat längst alle elektronischen Kampfeinheiten aufgelöst, die die Drohnenkontrollverbindungen verstopfen konnten, und sie löste die meisten ihrer Einheiten der Kurzstreckenluftverteidigung (SHORAD) auf und investierte stattdessen in High-End-Raketenabwehr wie Patriot und THAAD. Nun, sagte McMaster, die Armee ist Umprogrammierung bestehender Radare zu holen diese niedrigen und langsamen Ziele und Investitionen in beide neue Störsender und energiereiche Laser zu zappen sie aus dem Himmel. In der Lage, Fähigkeiten in die Kraft in einer Weise, die wir bisher nicht in der Lage, in der Vergangenheit zu beschleunigen, sagte McMaster unter Berufung auf neue Zusammenarbeit unter den Heeresanforderungen Schriftsteller, Akquisitionsbeamte, Laborforscher und operative Kommandeure. Was wir gesehen haben, ist hohe Auszahlung. Andere Änderungen dont sogar neue Technologie, nur mit was ist schon im Service anders. Im Irak und in Afghanistan drückte die Armee das Land in Signale aus. Wir würden Broadcast auf hoher Leistung, omni-direktional und kontinuierlich, sagte McMaster. Gegen einen Gegner in der Lage zu erkennen, zu triangulieren und Feuer auf US-Übertragungen. Sagte er, wir wissen, das ist eine schlechte Idee. Army HEL (High Energy Laser) Mobiler Demonstrator Neben all diesen Ausflügen in Luft, See und Cyberspace investiert die Armee weiterhin in Landsysteme, von neuen leichten gepanzerten Fahrzeugen über präzisionsgeführte Granaten bis hin zu Palm-Top-Minidronen. Die gegenwärtige Richtung zu Multidomainschlacht unterscheidet sich sehr von der Wandlungsära der Neunziger und der frühen 2000er Jahre, sagte McMaster, als wir sehr von der Revolution in den militärischen Angelegenheiten und seinem Traum vom langstreckigen, Hightech, Blutlos gefangen genommen wurden Krieg. Heute, sagte er, fangen wir mit Nahkampf an. In der Tat kann altmodische Bodenkampf nur noch wichtiger werden, wie Gegner lernen, unsere Luftmacht zu begegnen. Als Feinde nehmen Deckung in den Städten. Wäldern und anderen komplexen Gelände, mit Störsender zu blinden unsere weitreichende Sensoren und Raketen, um unsere Flugzeuge in einem Abstand zu halten, dass bedeutet, würde in Nahkampf zu kämpfen, sagte McMaster. Wäre gehen zu müssen und mit dem Feind zu vernichten. Melden Sie sich an und erhalten Sie Breaking Defence News in Ihrem Posteingang. Afrikanische Erfolge - ein Pagers Gemeinsames Wachstum in der Post-Stabilisierung zu erreichen Mosambik Mosambik war ein starker wirtschaftlicher und sozialer Performer in Subsahara-Afrika. Mozambiquersquos Wachstum Episode ist einer der längsten für einkommensschwache Länder in den letzten Jahren. In der Zeit nach dem Ende des Bürgerkriegs 1992 und der freien Wahlen im Jahr 1994 verzeichnete Mozambique ein starkes Wirtschaftswachstum von etwa 8 Jahren. Ein nachhaltiges, breit gefächertes Wachstum hat dazu beigetragen, dass die Einkommensarmut in den Jahren 1997 bis 2003 um 15 Prozentpunkte sank und damit fast drei Millionen Menschen aus der extremen Armut (insgesamt 20 Millionen Einwohner) verarmte. Darüber hinaus ist die Einkommensungleichheit nach regionalen Standards relativ niedrig. Die ländliche Armut fiel etwas schneller als die städtische Armut, wenn auch von einer höheren Ebene ausgegangen. Die Haushalte verbesserten ihr Eigentum an produktiven Vermögenswerten. Der Zugang zu Dienstleistungen hat zugenommen und die Ergebnisse der menschlichen Entwicklung haben sich verbessert: Die Netto-Grundschulregistrierung hat um 76 zugenommen, und die Kindersterblichkeit um fünf und fünf Jahre ist um 40 gefallen. Trotz dieser Fortschritte lebt immer noch mehr als die Hälfte der Bevölkerung in Armut. Auch die Kluft zwischen ländlichen und städtischen Bevölkerungen bleibt bestehen. Schlüsselerfolgsfaktoren Erfolgsfaktoren Mehrere Faktoren trugen zum countryrsquos eindrucksvolle wirtschaftliche und soziale Leistung bei. Ein wichtiger Treiber für die wirtschaftliche Expansion war die staatliche Pro-Wachstum Wirtschaftspolitik: solide Geld - und Finanzpolitik zur Förderung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Stabilität Senkung der Wettbewerbsbeschränkungen wie Preiskontrollen und ineffiziente Monopole hohe öffentliche Investitionen in den Wiederaufbau und die Infrastruktur nach dem Krieg Rehabilitation. Die Reaktion der Familienlandwirte und Familienunternehmen auf die staatliche Pro-Wachstumspolitik war entscheidend für das Wachstum. Die Rehabilitation der Agrarmärkte, die Vermarktungsinfrastruktur und die ländlichen Dienstleistungen haben die Produktivität der Arbeitskräfte erhöht und die Ernteerträge erhöht. Die Landwirte hatten Zugang zu hochwertigen Böden und nutzten diesen Zugang, um die bewirtschafteten Flächen zu erweitern und die Pflanzenproduktion zu diversifizieren. Erhöhte Einnahmen aus dem Verkauf von landwirtschaftlichen Erzeugnissen bereitgestellt Mittel, um in neue kleine und kleine Unternehmen Ventures investieren. Ländliche Haushalte investierten auch in bessere Wohnungen und schickten ihre Kinder zur Schule. Höhere ländliche und städtische Wirtschaftswachstum erhöht die Einkommen und stimuliert die Nachfrage nach Nicht-Waren-und Dienstleistungen. Investitionen in die Erbringung öffentlicher Dienstleistungen, um den schweren Mangel an sozialen Dienstleistungen zu bewältigen, verbesserten den Zugang und die Ergebnisse. Konzentrieren Sie sich auf die Verbesserung der Governance und Rechenschaftspflicht, indem die Regierung ihren Bürgern näher kommt. Stifter starke Unterstützung für die Regierung rsquos Wiederaufbau und Pro-Wachstumsbemühungen. Benito-Spinetto, M. und P. Moll, 2005, ldquoMozambique: Makroökonomische Entwicklungen, Wirtschaftswachstum und Konsequenzen für Armut. rdquo Hintergrundpapier für das Wirtschaftskonjunkturkonzept 2005, Weltbank, Washington, DC. Fox M. Louise, 2008, Schlagen der Chancen: Sustaining Inclusion in Mozambiques wachsende Wirtschaft, Weltbank Publikationen IFAD, 2005, ldquoLändliche Entwicklung in der Republik Mozambiquerdquo, Landwirtschaft Förderprogramm Formulierung Bericht, Working Paper 2, Internationaler Fonds für landwirtschaftliche Entwicklung, Rom World Bank. Mosambik schlägt die Quoten: Sustaining Inklusion in einer wachsenden Wirtschaft. rdquordquo World Basnk. 2009. ldquoMozambique Land Brief. rdquo Tanzaniarsquos Umwandlung in eine Marktwirtschaft In den vergangenen 15 Jahren Tansania dramatisch verbesserte seine wirtschaftliche Leistungsfähigkeit, als ein Prozess der umfassenden wirtschaftlichen Reformen verwandelt das Land von einer kontrollierten Wirtschaft auf eine offene, marktorientierte. Erfolge Anfang Mitte der neunziger Jahre stabilisierte sich die makroökonomische Entwicklung, die Inflation ging auf einstellige Werte zurück und das Wirtschaftswachstum verbesserte sich. Das Wachstum beschleunigte sich in den letzten Jahren im Durchschnitt von etwa 7 Jahren im Zeitraum 2001-2007. Das Wachstum war breit gefächert. Obwohl die Landwirtschaft bleibt Tanzaniarsquos wichtigsten Wirtschaftszweig - mit 80 der Arbeitnehmer - andere Sektoren haben starke Leistungen gezeigt. Nach der Privatisierung stieg die Produktion des Sektors des verarbeitenden Gewerbes mit einer Zunahme der Produktion einer Reihe von Rohstoffen wie Zucker, Bier, alkoholfreie Getränke, Zement und Stahl. Der Tourismus hat sich zu einem wichtigen Sektor entwickelt, der zu über 10 des BIP beiträgt. Der Bergbau gewinnt an Bedeutung und Bedeutung. Obwohl der Beitrag zum BIP noch gering ist, ist der Sektor mit rund 3 Jahren einer der wichtigsten Devisenhändler. Die jährliche Goldproduktion stieg von fünf auf 50 Tonnen zwischen 1999 und 2007, so dass Tansania der viertgrößte afrikanische Goldproduzent. Die Liberalisierung der Handels - und Austauschregelungen sorgte für nicht-traditionelle Exporte und veränderte große externe Ungleichgewichte. Tansania war erfolgreich, FDI anzuziehen. Ein großer Teil der ausländischen Direktinvestitionen richtet sich an den Bergbau, aber auch die Industrie, der Fremdenverkehr und die Finanzbranche haben FDI angezogen. Die Etablierung eines wettbewerbsorientierten Bankensystems hat die erhöhte Verfügbarkeit von Krediten für produktive Aktivitäten erleichtert. Es gibt bemerkenswerte Fortschritte bei der Einschreibung in Primar-und Sekundarschulen. Schlüsselerfolgsfaktoren Erfolgsfaktoren: Der Reformprozess von Tanzaniarsquos begann allmählich im Jahre 1986 und intensivierte sich ab 1996. Die erste Phase sah eine teilweise Liberalisierung der Wirtschaft. Die zweite Phase sah weitreichende Strukturreformen. Die Reformen, die eine Reaktion auf die düstere Wirtschaftsleistung des Landes 1970/85 waren, verwandelten das Land in die Marktwirtschaft. Die wichtigsten Reformen seit 1996 gehören: solide finanzpolitische und geldpolitische Maßnahmen zur Kontrolle der Inflation Haushaltskonsolidierung und Stärkung der öffentlichen Finanzverwaltung Privatisierung und Reform der staatlichen Unternehmen Reduktion in der Ebene der staatlichen Intervention in die economymdashtrade Reform, Liberalisierung des Finanzsektors, Und die Schaffung eines marktorientierten Rechtsrahmens. Die makroökonomische Stabilisierung und strukturelle Reformen sorgten für die Anziehung von ausländischen Direktinvestitionen, was ein wichtiger Faktor für die Förderung eines höheren Wachstums in den nicht-landwirtschaftlichen Sektoren war. Die steuerlichen Anreize für ausländische Investoren - vor allem in der Bergbranche -, wie großzügige Abschreibungsentschädigungen, unbestimmte Verlustvorträge, Ausnahmen von den Einfuhrabgaben und die Mehrwertsteuer, und einige Einkommensteuerfeuerungen waren auch bei der Gewinnung von ausländischen Direktinvestitionen maßgeblich. Geber unterstützten die Reformbemühungen der Regierung durch große Zuflüsse der offiziellen Geberhilfe. Chandra, Vandana, Pooja Kacker und Ying Li. 2005. Tansania: Wachstumsexporte und Beschäftigung im verarbeitenden Gewerbe. Weltbank, Washington, DC. Mahamba, Robert und Jorgen Levin. Wirtschaftswachstum, sektorale Verflechtungen und Armutsbekämpfung in Tansania. Weltbank, Washington, DC. Nord, R. Y. Sobolev, D. Dunn, A. Hajdenberg, N. Hobdari, S. Maziad und S. Roudet. 2009. ldquoTanzania: Die Geschichte eines afrikanischen Transition. rdquo IWF. Simonsen, Marianne und Louise Fox. Ein Profil der Armut in Tansania, Weltbank, Washington, DC. Treichel, Volker. 2005. ldquoTanzaniarsquos Wachstumsprozess und Erfolg in der Verringerung der Armut. rdquo IWF-Arbeitspapier WP0535. Utz, Robert. Wachstum und Wachstum in Tansania. Die Weltbank. Washington, D. C. Weltbank. Tansania Land Brief. Wiederaufbau der lokalen Regierungen in Post-Konflikt Sierra Leone Hintergrund Gewählte lokale Regierungen wurden im Jahr 1972 abgeschafft Macht wurde in Freetown zentralisiert, was zu Marginalisierung und Vernachlässigung der ländlichen Peripherie. Zusammen mit Patrimonialismus, zügelloser Korruption und Misswirtschaft führte dies zu einem brutalen elfjährigen Bürgerkrieg aus 1991 ndash 2002. Am Ende des Krieges rangierte SL als letzter im HDI mit großer regionaler Ungleichheit. Die SLPP-Regierung, die 2002 beschlossen wurde, entschied sich für die Wiederherstellung der Kommunalverwaltung und nach Konsultationen, verabschiedete das Kommunalverwaltungsgesetz 2004, gefolgt von Kommunalwahlen im Mai 2004. Die Dezentralisierung der politischen Macht und die Ressourcenverteilung war ein notwendiger, wenn auch nicht ausreichender erster Schritt Patrimonialismus, Zentralisierung und Urbanisierung. Gleichzeitig unterstützten die Weltbank, DfID und die EG die Anstrengungen der GoSL, ein funktionierendes kommunales System durch das ldquoInstitutionelle Reform - und Kapazitätsaufbauprojekt zu schaffen. Um den Mangel an Kapazität zu kompensieren, wurde das Projekt mit einem einzigartigen und ungewöhnlichen Ansatz unterstützt Die Einrichtung von drei neuen Einheiten der Regierung - ein Dezentralisierungssekretariat (Dec Sec), ein Local Government Finance Department (LGFD) und ein Public Financial Management Reform Unit (PFMRU) - zusätzlich zu einer Project Coordinating Unit (PCU). Alle neunzehn Gemeinderäte wurden eingerichtet und funktionieren. Obwohl noch etwas weniger als das, was in der LGA 2004 ausgelegt wurde, wurden die meisten Funktionen nunmehr von den LCs abgewickelt. Core-Mitarbeiter, darunter Buchhalter und Beschaffung Spezialisten, wurden an die LCs zur Verfügung gestellt. Obwohl Linienpersonal, das mit dezentrierten Funktionen verknüpft ist, noch nicht abgewickelt worden ist, werden ihre Aktivitäten jetzt von den LCs überwacht und koordiniert. Die Grundlagen für ein gerechtes und transparentes zwischenstaatliches Finanztransfersystem bestehen aus einer Kombination von formelbasierten gebundenen und ungebundenen Zuschüssen zur Finanzierung der dezentralisierten Aufgaben. Es gibt Spielraum für Vereinfachung und Verbesserung. Obwohl Transfers an LCs regelmäßig unter Budgets gesunken sind und Vorhersehbarkeit ein Problem darstellt, sind diese jetzt ein regelmäßiger Bestandteil des Budgets, die Ausführungsquote hat sich von 56,5 (2005) auf 74,6 (2008) verbessert und das Volumen hat sich von etwa US 3,4 erhöht (4,4 des Ermessensspielraums) auf 14,1 US-Dollar (12,1 ECU). Es gibt Hinweise darauf, dass sich gesunde demokratische Praktiken etablieren. Obwohl die Wahlbeteiligung gering war, fand im Jahr 2008 die zweite Runde der LC-Wahlen statt, die von allen Konten frei und fair waren. Dies zusammen mit der friedlichen Übergabe der Macht auf nationaler Ebene im Jahr 2007 macht SL so einzigartig wie ein Post-Konflikt-Land. Dienstleistungserbringung: Es gibt Hinweise darauf, dass sich die Verfügbarkeit von Basisdienstleistungen zwischen 2005 und 2008 dramatisch verbessert hat. Die Verbesserung ist jedoch nicht gleichbleibend oder übergreifend. Zum Beispiel verbesserte sich die Gesundheitsqualität deutlich und dann verlangsamte sich. Zwei Hauptanliegen: der Mangel an Aufsicht und die negativen Auswirkungen der Gebühren für die Inanspruchnahme von Dienstleistungen. Es ist nicht möglich, die beobachteten Verbesserungen der Dezentralisierung direkt zuzuordnen, aber es gibt einige positive Anzeichen. Es gibt Bedenken, dass die Gemeinden ihre geografische Nähe zu den Diensten nicht genutzt haben, um die Betreuung von Dienstleistern zu verbessern. Die Verfügbarkeit von Dienstleistungen (Grundschulen, Kliniken, Wasser) verbesserte sich schärfer mit mehr Schulen und mehr Kliniken seit 2005. Das eine Gebiet, in dem es einen starken Rückgang der Dienstleistungen gab, ist die landwirtschaftliche Erweiterung, wo der Anteil der Haushalte, die zu einer landwirtschaftlichen Erweiterung Arbeiter gesprochen haben Im letzten Jahr stetig und drastisch sank von 23 bis 9 Prozent. Die Leistungen haben sich am stärksten verbessert, wo der Rückstand auf den Powerrdquo gefallen ist (also weit weg von Freetown, aber in der Nähe von Bezirkshauptstädten) Erfolgsfaktoren Zumindest an der Oberfläche haben sich sowohl die SLPP-Regierung als auch die APC-Regierung der Dezentralisierung verschrieben Der Übergang, der Prozess geht voran. Das IRCBP und die starke Unterstützung der Geber für die Dezentralisierung haben dazu beigetragen, die Dynamik zu bewahren und die Kapazitäten in den LCs zu entwickeln. Der Prozess wurde von öffentlichen Bediensteten zumindest in einigen der Linienabteilungen auf LC-Ebene unterstützt, die feststellen, dass die relative Autonomie aus Freetown dazu beigetragen hat, ihre Effizienz zu steigern. Die Dec Sec und die LGFD haben eine Schlüsselrolle bei der Durchführung des Prozesses gespielt. In Abwesenheit dieser Einheiten und dem Engagement ihrer Mitarbeiter ist es unwahrscheinlich, dass die Umsetzung in diesem Tempo fortgeschritten wäre. Eine aktive und dynamische Zivilgesellschaft in Sierra Leone. Das politische Engagement für eine echte Dezentralisierung mag nicht tief genug sein. Die Zentralregierung (und dies ist wohl stärker ausgeprägt unter der derzeitigen APC-Führung) war ambivalent bei der Lösung der Spannungen zwischen den Chiefdoms und den LCs. Die Spannungen sind am deutlichsten im Verhältnis zum Umsatz. Die Nicht-Auflösung dieses Problems könnte die Dezentralisierung gefährden. Es gibt einige Hinweise darauf, dass Abgeordnete zunehmend von LCs bedroht werden, da die Allokationsentscheidungen allmählich auf die LCs übertragen werden. Dies ist wahrscheinlich eher ein Thema mit einzelnen Mitgliedern (seit 2007) als mit Proportionalvertretung. Das Fehlen signifikanter Eigenquelleneinnahmen auf lokaler Ebene. Da die Dec Sec und die LGFD Mainstream in die Regierung sind, können ihre Mitarbeiter verlieren die hohe Engagement sie gehabt haben. Referenzen Zhou, Yongmei (Hrsg.). Dezentralisierung, Demokratie und Entwicklung: Aktuelle Erfahrungen aus Sierra Leone, Weltbank, Washington DC. IRCBP Auswerteeinheit. 2009. Dezentralisierung: Was haben wir gelernt Mali macht einen Durchbruch in Mango-Exporten Das von dem Landwirtschaftsministerium von Mali umgesetzte Projekt "Landwirtschaftliche Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Diversifizierung" unterstützt die Erweiterung der Märkte für Mangos und andere Kulturen und die Entwicklung guter Geschäftspraktiken innerhalb der countryrsquos Landwirtschaftssektor. Eines der wichtigsten Ziele der Strategie zur Bekämpfung der Armut in Malirsquos besteht darin, die landwirtschaftlichen Einkommen und Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten zu erhöhen, indem die Diversifizierung der landwirtschaftlichen Erzeugung gefördert und die Exporte von hochwertigen Rohstoffen ausgebaut werden. Besonders für diese Entwicklung sind Mangos aufgrund der ausgezeichneten agroklimatischen Bedingungen in den südlichen Gebieten von Bougouni und Sikasso sowie wegen der stark wachsenden Nachfrage nach diesen Produkten auf den europäischen Märkten besonders bevorzugt. Aber, trotz der hohen Qualität der countryrsquos frisches Obst und Gemüse, haben die hohen Kosten der Luftfracht begrenzt Marketing und Export. Und weil einige malische Produkte, einschließlich Mangos, durch Cocircte drsquoIvoirethrough die vielen Verpackungshäuser an seiner nördlichen Grenze mit Malibefore, die nach Europa exportiert wurden, gab es wenig Rückkehr zu den Malian Produzenten und wenige Anreize, in den Gartenbau zu investieren. Die Verknüpfung der Landwirte mit den Märkten erforderte daher die Schaffung von starken Versorgungsketten, die innovative Methoden vor - und nachgelagert haben könnten. REDESIGNING DER LIEFERKETTE Im Jahr 2005 startete die Regierung von Mali mit Hilfe der Weltbank und der IDA-Finanzierung die Umsetzung des Projekts "Landwirtschaftliche Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Diversifizierung", ein 6-jähriges Investitionsprojekt, das darauf abzielte, die Einnahmen aus einer ganzen Reihe von Agrarerzeugnissen mit zunehmendem Wachstum zu erhöhen Märkten und einer starken Nachfrage, die bislang jedoch größtenteils unerschlossen waren, und so die Diversifikation der volkswirtschaftlichen Deviseneinnahmen, die mit nur 90 Erzeugnissen (Gold, Baumwolle und Viehbestand) äußerst konzentriert sind. Ziel des Projekts ist die Verbesserung der Leistungsfähigkeit von Versorgungsketten für eine Reihe nicht-traditioneller landwirtschaftlicher Erzeugnisse, Viehbestände, Fischereien und Erzeugnisse wie Mangos, Cashewnüsse, Schalotten, Kartoffeln, Milchprodukte, Bohnen, Papayas, Sesam, Die Mali einen starken komparativen Vorteil genießt. Das Projekt war eine Folge - und Aufstockung von zwei von IDA finanzierten Pilotprojekten, die zwischen 1996 und 2003 mit gemischten Ergebnissen der Agentur für landwirtschaftliche Wertschöpfungsketten (Agence pour la Promotion des Filiegraveres Agricoles APROFA) durchgeführt wurden. Die fünf Komponenten umfassen Tätigkeiten, die die Beteiligten des privaten Sektors (Landwirte, Händler, Verarbeiter, Exporteure und Dienstleister) unterstützen sollen, (a) Produktion, Technologien und Produktivität auf hohem landwirtschaftlichem Niveau, (b) landwirtschaftliche Lieferketten, ) Zugang zur Finanzierung und d) kommerzielle und Kommunikationsinfrastruktur. Die fünfte Komponente ist für Projektmanagement, Koordination und MampE. Zu den Aktivitäten, die von ACDP unterstützt werden, gehört die Schaffung eines innovativen neuen Modells der Lieferkette für den Export von frischen Mangos. Diese Innovation wurde vom Vorgängerprojekt Anfang der 2000er Jahre in Partnerschaft zwischen privaten Investoren und dem staatlich geförderten Projekt eingeführt. Es handelt sich um eine neue Versandart mit multimodalen Transporten (Kombination von Straßen-, Schienen - und Seeverkehr) und gekühlten und verschlossenen Containern bis hin zu europäischen Häfen. Diese neue Art der Beförderung reduzierte die Durchfahrtszeiten im Vergleich zu konventionelleren Transportwegen wie der klassischen Straßen - und Seefracht, die sich als rentabel und rentabel erweisen und in der Lage sind, ein Produkt von hervorragender Qualität zu liefern und von den europäischen Importeuren sehr geschätzt zu werden. Darüber hinaus stellt es eine Revolution für ein Land vor, das zuvor verurteilt war, nur begrenzte Mengen von Früchten per Luftfracht zu exportieren oder das Rohprodukt von benachbarten ivorischen Händlern, die Marktzugang hatten, zu einem niedrigen Preis zu sammeln. Es hat die Größe des potenziellen Marktes, den Mali weiter erschließen kann, völlig verändert. Zur Stärkung der Kapazitäten ndash menschlichen, sondern auch physikalische ndash und zur Verbesserung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Mango-Exporte ein Packhaus und Logistik-Anlage bekannt als die PLAZA (Peacuterimegravetre Logistique Ameacutenageacute en Zone Aeacuteroportuaire), mit Kapazität für 2.000 Tonnen frische Produkte pro Jahr zu behandeln, war Errichtet 2007 nahe dem Bamako Flughafen dank der Finanzierung von der Weltbank ACDP und der niederländischen Botschaft. Das PLAZA wird seitdem von Fachleuten verwendet, um ihre Produkte für den Export durch Vorkühlung und Lagerräume vorzubereiten, internationale Standards für Qualität und Sicherheit zu erfüllen und geschult zu werden. Es werden Gespräche geführt, um das Management der PLAZA auf einen spezialisierten privaten Betreiber zu übertragen, und sein Eigentum soll von der aufkommenden interprofessionellen Organisation übernommen werden. MEHR MANGOES FÜR DEN EUROPÄISCHEN MARKT, MEHR EINNAHMEN FÜR MALIANER Dieses Projekt und die von ihm eingeführten und geförderten Innovationen haben das starke Wachstum der Ausfuhr von frischen Mangos aus Mali veranlasst. Insgesamt exportierten Volumen von Mangos im Jahr 2008 11.995 Tonnen erreicht, ein Rekord aller Zeiten. Die geschätzten Einnahmen betrugen 9,7 Milliarden FCFA (25 Millionen), die bereits einen erheblichen Teil der Einnahmen aus Malirsquos traditionellen Exporten wie Baumwollflusen ausmachten. Die nachstehende Grafik zeigt die Entwicklung der Ausfuhren in die EU zwischen 2000 und 2008. Die Zunahme ist in beachtlichen 24 Prozent p. a. In der Mango-Wertschöpfungskette, die eine der für die ACDPrsquos-Intervention gezielten Wertschöpfungsketten ist, profitieren und profitieren eine Reihe von Stakeholdern von der Ausweitung des Handels und der Wertschöpfung entlang der Wertschöpfungskette von Landwirten über Mähdrescher über Sammler zu Verarbeiter und Exporteure. Dies bedeutet erhöhte Marktanteile, Wertschöpfung und verbesserte Preise auf allen Stufen. Der Ausbau des Mango-Sektors führte auch zu einer Veränderung der Geschäftspraktiken, mehr Professionalität und Aufmerksamkeit für das Produktqualitätsmanagement, eine bessere Einhaltung der Handelsnormen und einen Anstieg der privaten Investitionen. So ist zum Beispiel AHOLD, eine bedeutende niederländische Supermarktkette, in Mali vertreten und hat in den letzten drei Kampagnen technische Hilfe für die Maler-Exporteure geleistet. SCHRITTE ZU ENTWICKLUNGSZIELEN Die Entwicklungsagenda von Malirsquos legt großen Wert auf das landwirtschaftliche Wachstum und die Diversifizierung. Die Ergebnisse dieses Projekts haben einen direkten und konkreten Beitrag zu dieser Agenda geleistet. Eine ganze Reihe von Stakeholdern in der Wertschöpfungskette Kleinbauern, Händler, Agro-Prozessoren, Exporteure, Dienstleister (Techniker, Finanz-und Rechnungswesen Spezialisten), Input-und Ausrüstungs-Anbieter wurden seit der Projekt-Einleitung beteiligt und profitieren von der Erweiterung und Verbesserungen gebracht Etwa durch das Projekt. BANKBEITRAG UND PARTNERSCHAFTEN Das finanzielle Engagement der Weltbank für das ACDP-Projekt liegt in Form eines IDA-Kredites in Höhe von US 46,4 Millionen. Darüber hinaus spielte die Bank eine wichtige Rolle bei der Unterstützung der Regierung und anderer Stakeholder, die das Projekt entwerfen und starten, und trägt dazu bei, Hilfe und Fachwissen bei der Überwachung der Umsetzung zu leisten. Ein sichtbarer Vorteil ist die Schaffung und der Aufbau von Kapazitäten auf nationaler Ebene. Die projectrsquos Primärpartner sind die Akteure der Versorgungsketten selbst, d. H. Landwirte, lokale und fremde private Agrarbusinessunternehmen. Das Projekt ist nachfrage - und privatwirtschaftlich geleitet. Es findet keine Tätigkeit statt, es sei denn, dass die Beteiligung und die Beteiligung der Akteure des privaten Sektors durch einen entsprechenden Zuschussmechanismus erfolgen. Weitere Entwicklungspartner, die das Programm für Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Diversifizierung des Landwirtschaftsministeriums von Mali unterstützen, sind USAID, CIDA, die niederländische Zusammenarbeit und die GTZ. Das Projekt konzentriert sich nun auf die Stärkung der Beteiligung von Stakeholdern und Partnerschaften des privaten Sektors, um die Nachhaltigkeit zu gewährleisten. Innerhalb des Sektors ist eine Mango-Task Force aktiv geworden und verspricht, eine permanente Trade-Business-Vereinigung zu werden, die in der Lage ist, die Probleme der Industrie zu bewältigen. ERFAHREN SIE MEHR Mali Agricultural Competitiveness and Diversification Project (2005-2012) PO81704 In den vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten wurde der ruandische Kaffeesektor von einem hochgesteuerten Sektor zu einem liberalisierten Markt verwandelt, der schnell ein preiswertes Nischenprodukt entwickelt. Während die Kaffeeindustrie von einem verstärkten Unternehmergeist und einem freieren Handel profitiert, verbessern ihre Kaffeeproduzenten ihre technischen Fähigkeiten und steigern ihren Lebensstandard. Ruanda hat seine Kaffee-Industrie wiederbelebt und revitalisiert. 1990 exportierte Ruanda 45.000 Tonnen Kaffee. Zu dieser Zeit produzierte knapp mehr als die Hälfte aller Ruanda Kaffee. Der ruandische Völkermord verließ die Nation, ihre Menschen und ihre Wirtschaft in Schamlippen. Noch bevor die Feindseligkeiten endete, sah sich die Kaffeeindustrie einem stürmischen Weltmarktpreis gegenüber. Kaffee bleibt Ruandarsquos wichtigsten Export-Kultur. Im Jahr 2006 wuchs Kaffee Exporte von 17.000 bis 21.000 metrischen Tonnenmdasha 23,5 Prozent zu erhöhen. Die Menge an voll gewaschenem Kaffee steigt ebenfalls, wenn die Anzahl der Waschstationen zunimmt. Im Frühjahr 2006 gab es 46 Waschstationen, eine große Zunahme von 2000, wo es nur zwei Waschstationen im Land gab und keiner von denen arbeitete. Durch den Zuwachs an qualitativ höherem Kaffee verdienen Kaffeeproduzenten mehr. Obwohl es heute weniger Kaffeeproduzenten gibt, sind nahezu 500.000 Familien an der Herstellung von hochwertigem Kaffee beteiligt. Das Wachstum der Kaffee-Industrie hat es Hutus und Tutsis ermöglicht, auf vielen Initiativen zu einem verbesserten Lebensstandard zusammenzuarbeiten, was darauf hindeutet, dass ein wichtiges Element der Nachkonfliktbereinigung die informellen Kontakte und Beziehungen in unternehmerischen und unternehmerischen Unternehmungen sein kann. Schlüsselerfolgsfaktoren Erfolgsfaktoren Mehrere Faktoren führten zu bedeutenden Veränderungen in der ruandischen Kaffeeindustrie: Die RPF-Regierung zielte auf die Kaffeeindustrie für Unterstützung und Liberalisierung. Durch die bilaterale und multilaterale Entwicklungshilfe wurde der Kaffeesektor finanziert. NGOs provided support to help establish coffee cooperatives and also train cooperative members to improve quality, processing, and marketing efforts. The government, donors, NGOs, and the private sector have built more than 40 washing stations around the country to help improve quality. Liberalization reforms freed farmers from the legal obligation to grow coffee. Farmers are now free to interplant coffee with other, desirable crops. The government eliminated legal mulching requirements, and it also allowed coffee producers to work directly with buyers. Farmers were able to take advantage of economies of scale by creating cooperatives and unions The United States Agency for International Development provided of technical assistance, training, and financial support to the specialty coffee sector. Through this support, 46 coffee washing stations were constructed and several hundred Rwandans were trained in improved coffee production and processing and in washing station management and marketing. Transportation costs in Rwanda are high. Adequately addressing the problems of poor infrastructure, bad roads, and associated high transport costs will facilitate further development and growth of the coffee sector. Boudreaux Karol, 2007, ldquoState Power, Entrepreneurship, and Coffee: The Rwandan Experience, rdquo MERCATUS POLICY SERIES, Policy COMMENT no. 15 Murekezi Abdoul and Scott Loveridge, 2009, ldquoHave coffee reforms and coffee supply chains affected farmers income The case of coffee growers in Rwanda, rdquo Paper prepared for presentation at the Agricultural amp Applied Economics Associationrsquos 2009 AAEA amp ACCI Joint Annual Meeting, Milwaukee, WI, July 26-28, 2009. Uganda - Scaling up quantity and quality: success of the fish-processing industry By the end of the 1990rsquos, Ugandarsquos fish exports were in a tailspin as the country was unable to effectively cope with international fish standards. This crisis galvanized action and unprecedented collaboration ensued among a wide range of stakeholders. The fish industry was forced to embrace technological change to remain competitive. Over the last decade, Ugandarsquos fish industry has shown a remarkable capacity to adapt and grow. Fish-processing plants have adopted and learned to comply with the higher food safety procedures and standards and the taste, color, smell, texture and nutritional value of the fish has improved. The fish industry is now the countryrsquos leading export: growing from 15 million in 1994 to about 120 million in recent years. Fish exports account for more than 6 of the national income. An estimated 700,000 Ugandans are involved in fisheries-related employment. As fish comprises the single most important source of animal protein available to the national population, the growth of the fisheries sector has also contributed to food security in Uganda. Factor contributing to success The imposition of international fish standards created a severe crisis in the fish exporting sector in the late 1990s. The loss of jobs, livelihoods, and export revenues exerted pressure on industry players to respond. In order to improve the quality of output and comply with international standards, remarkable interaction and collaboration took place across the value chainmdashsuppliers, fish-processing firms, buyersmdashforeign private companies, policy makers, and international development agencies. The public sector played an important role in supporting technological changemdashnamely it strengthened the inspection process by providing oversight and management. For example, it designated and approved laboratories, improved infrastructure and sanitary conditions at transportation sites, and provided the knowledge infrastructure for proper handling, packaging and transportation of fish. Through its intervention, the government was able to improve food-handling and safety in all parts of the value chain. The government played a central role in sustaining the pressure on firms to maintain standards. The United Nations Industrial Development Organization, in partnership with the EU, provided technical assistance to the government. The sustainability of the fish industry is threatened by overfishing and pollution. References: Awange Joseph L. Obiero Onganga, 2006, Lake Victoria: Ecology, Resources, Environment . Springer-Verlag Berlin and Heidelberg GmbH amp Co. K Hishamunda amp Nathanael. 2001. Investment and economic feasibility: Promotion of sustainable commercial aquaculture in sub-Saharan Africa. FAO Fisheries Technical Paper 408. Kiggundu Rose. 2004. ldquoLearning to change: Why the Fish-Processing Clusters in Uganda Learned to Upgrade. rdquo In B. Oyelaran-Oyeyinka and D. McCormick, eds. The African Cluster: Pattern, Practice, and Policies for Upgrading. Nairobi: University of Nairobi Press. Kiggundu Rose. 2005. ldquoInnovation and Development: The Journey of a Beleaguered Nile Perch Fishery in Uganda. rdquo Ph. D. thesis, United Nation University, Institute of New TechnologiesMERIT-University of Maastricht, The Neterlands. Kiggundu Rose. 2006. Technological Changes in Ugandarsquos Fishery Exports, rdquo in Technology, Adaptation, and Exports by Vandana Chandra, World Bank. Lake Victoria Fishery Organization, 2006, Inland Fisheries Co-management in East Africa. Unpublished LVFO Papers Lake Victoria Fishery Organization, 2006, Empowering Women in Lake Victoria Fisheries, LVFO Conference Papers Lake Victoria Fishery Organization, 2006, Development of HIVAIDS Strategy for Improving the Health of Fishing Communities on Lake Victoria. LVFO Conference Papers OECD, African Development Bank, 2009, African Economic Outlook: Ugandarsquos country note. africaneconomicoutlook. orgencountrieseast-africauganda Oenga, D. N. Mwanja, W. W. amp Mushi, V. Meeting the increasing demand for fish in the Lake Victoria Basin through development of aquaculture. Lake Victoria Fisheries Organization Conference, 2005-02, Entebbe, Uganda. Oguttu Hannington W, Fred WB Bugenyi, Heinz Leuenberger, Markus Wolf and Reinhard Bachofen, 2008, Pollution menacing Lake Victoria: Quantification of point sources around Jinja Town, Uganda, South African Water Research Commission Ottolenghi, F. Silvestri, C. Giordano, P. Lovatelli, A. amp New, M. B. 2004. Capture based aquaculture. FAO Rome. Society for International Development, 2008, Nature under Stress: The State of East Africa Report, Nairobi, Kenya The Cotton Sector of Zambia The Zambian cotton industry has proven to be a significant sector in the nationrsquos transition to a market economy. The sector was liberalized in 1994mdashthe Government of Zambia sold the state owned Lint Company of Zambia (LINTCO) to two private companies. Despite uneven performance post-liberalization, the sector has shown considerable dynamism. Achievements Total cotton production rose briskly from 20,000 metric tons to over 100,000 MT during 1994-1998. After a temporary setback, output climbed to 200,000 MT in 2005. The increase in production represents an expansion in area under production and higher yields. Improvement in the quality of lint. Use of input credit supply by an increasing number of smallholder farmers. Following the repayment problems of the late 1990s, farmersrsquo credit repayment rates have improved. Increased competition in the Zambian market with the entry of four new ginners in the late 1990s, which increased competition for seed cotton. The number of cotton ginners has continued to increase. Value-added sectors such as cotton spinning and weaving have lagged, but are significant export earners. Key success factorsdrivers of success : Private sector innovations in supply of credit to smallholder farmers for inputs such as seeds, fertilizer, and pesticides have been key to boosting performance of the cotton sector. Between 1999 and 2005, several initiatives are undertaken to improve input credit repayment as well as cotton production and export. Dunavant established a private ldquoDistributor Schemerdquo which reduced input credit default. The government launched a Cotton Outgrower Credit Fund (COCF), a Cotton Board, and the Cotton Association of Zambia, which were meant to improve smaller farmerrsquos credit facilities and increase exports and farmer profits. The COCF does not manage or control the distribution or acquisition of inputs. Instead, it leaves these activities to the individual private cotton companies through which funds are channeled and which work with farmers thereby making the COCF solely a lending entity within the industry and lowering costs for private companies. Better disclosure and transparency on credit disbursements and recoveries is an issue, however. Progressive transformation of cotton ginning from a highly concentrated market structure to a more competitive one. A move towards improving sector-wide coordinationmdashvertical and horizontal coordination. Recently, the government shifted from its laissez-faire approach to become a coordinator of sector-wide efforts to increase dialogue between public and private players in the cotton industry. Institutional bodies were created with focus beyond improving credit facilities but also on improving monitoring and evaluation of the cotton sector. Reference: Kabwe, S. and Tschirley, D. 2009, Comparative Analysis of Organization and Performance of African Cotton Sectors: The Cotton Sector of Zambia, Africa Region Working Paper Series, no. 124. The World Bank Leveraging Regional Markets to Build a Domestic Manufacturing Sector in Africa Although still small, intra-Africa regional trade is the fastest growing part of trade by African countries and most diversified in products. Regional trade in Africa has grown by 13 per annum over the past ten years, faster than overall trade worldwide, which has been growing by 10 per annum. Exports by African countries are still largely comprised of primary commodities. But African countries do trade manufactured products among themselves. Intra-Africa trade tends to be more diverse in terms of product composition, whereas exports to global markets are relatively concentrated on natural resources. Regional trade provides a platform for manufacturing sector growth in Africa. Across individual countries within each of nine Sub-Saharan African neighborhoods, previous-year imports of intermediate goods from neighbors are positively correlated with total exports in the current year. There are more exports when countries cooperate regionally (in terms of scale economies, greater factor mobility, and lower transport costs) as well as integrating globally. In fact, firms exporting to regional markets are hurt by power outages and inefficient border procedures and are hurt marginally more than firms exporting to global markets in general. Regional trade provides an opportunity for both foreign and domestic indigenous manufacturers to participate in trade. While exports to the global market are still dominated by large foreign-owned companies, regional markets offer opportunities for smaller domestic manufacturing enterprises. Even microenterprises participate in regional exports to some extent, often in the form of indirect andor informal trade through traders. Restoration of peace in a conflict-afflicted area leads to an influx of regional manufactured imports from neighboring countriesmdashfor example, Kenyan and Ugandan products in Southern Sudan. In the business environment in Africa, where trade-related transaction costs are high due to poor market institutions and infrastructure to support trade, social networks and clusters work as alternative trade facilitation mechanisms for regional trade in manufactured goods produced by small-scale manufacturers. Even though formal market information for regional trade is limited, indigenous micro enterprises based in industrial clusters often attract customers from neighboring countries due to their locational advantage of being in clusters. In Suame Magazine (Kumasi, Ghana), for example, x of sales go to customers from neighboring countries such as Burkina Faso, Cocircte drsquoIvoire, Mali, Nigeria and Togo. Uhuru Market, a cluster of micro scale garment producers in Nairobi, has a portion of sales going to neighboring countries such as Rwanda, Tanzania, Brundi, and Sudan. Rather than directly exporting, micro garment producers in Uhuru are well integrated with small in size but active regional traders. Clusters attract such regional traders. For more formal larger firms, the presence of cross-border transport bottlenecks encourages them to invest in the regional markets rather than trade. In many cases, prohibitively high cross-border bottlenecks still hamper their exports, encouraging group company networks through foreign direct investments more to serve local markets rather than creating regional exports. Barriers to Regional Integration Are Barriers to Africarsquos Export Prospects: Evidence from Chinese and Indian Business Case Studies Several original business case studies of Chinese-owned and Indian-owned firms in Africa point to a number of difficulties that enterprises face in realizing the benefits that regional integration can bring to the continent. Without regional integration, the many small, landlocked countries of Africa will not be able to create unified economic spaces sufficiently large to achieve economies of scale. Without economies of scale, unit production costs will unlikely be low enough to allow for the successful penetration of export markets. Every Chinese and Indian business study noted the poor quality and high cost of transport services, the long shipping times, and the lack of effective logistics services such as insurance and transport intermediaries, all of which limited the commercial viability of intra-African trade. One Chinese firm operating in South Africa indicated that sending a product from South Africa to Angola costs as much as sending the product from China to Angola. An Indian firm in Tanzania noted that intra-African maritime shipping costs are three times as high as road shipping costs, in part due to the lack of competition. Another Indian firm, in Ghana, stated flatly that ldquoECOWAS does not work, rdquo as there are still high tariffs among ECOWAS countries. The firm reported that it costs about 1,000TEU to send a container from Accra to Lagos, a distance of just over 200 miles. In fact, the high tariffs on trade induced this firm to make cross-border investments instead, an example where intraregional trade barriers gave rise to intraregional investment. Source: Africarsquos Silk Road based on the World Bank staffrsquos original interview in 2006 Also, for large firms, including foreign-owned firms, affiliation with group company networks at the regional level internalize cross-border constraints in regional trade. In Southern Africa, for example, affiliation with corporate groups, as well as sub-regional foreign ownership, is a significant factor in facilitating intra-sub-regional trade. Firms in group company networks have a greater tendency to be a part of some form of corporate networks, which may also include transport and logistics service providers. Due to their vertical integrated structure in export supply chains at the regional level, they rely less on outside agents for trade logistics services. Rwanda: Leveraging Gorilla Tourism for Development Rwandas tourism industry has emerged as the nationrsquos top foreign currency earner, ahead of the coffee and tea sectors. Rwandarsquos gorilla tourismmdashwhich drew 7,000 visitors to Volcano National Park in 1989mdashcollapsed in the wake of the countryrsquos civil war, robbing Rwanda of much-needed cash to pay rangers and to provide financial incentives to protect the great apes. Foreign visits to the gorillas dropped to zero in 1994, when genocide swept across the nation. In 1999, the slowly recovering tourism industry plunged again, after eight gorilla tourists were murdered in Ugandas Bwindi Impenetrable Forest by Rwandan Hutu rebels. With the support of international groups, the country has managed to re-build its gorilla tourism. Rwandas park rangers have managed to safeguard the gorillas and the Virunga reserve. Squatters were eventually persuaded to leave the national park, human latrines were cleaned up, and sick gorillas were darted, injected with antibiotics and protected against measles with vaccines provided by UNICEF. Rwanda is experiencing unprecedented global interest in its wildlife. It is home to around one third of the 700 mountain gorillas left in the world, and for several decades now the country has been at the forefront of gorilla conservation. The endangered mountain gorilla still survives in the Virunga Mountains, a mountain chain linking Rwanda to the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda. In 2007, the tourism industry emerged as the top foreign currency earner, generating revenues of 42.3 million and overtaking proceeds from exports of coffee and tea--35.7million and 31.5 million, respectively. The industry is also an important source of employment, directly employing more than 34,000 people (1.8 of the workforce). Key success factorsdrivers of success : The government is strongly committed to developing tourism and has been at the forefront of gorilla conservation. International groups have strongly supported conservation efforts. The national tourism strategy focuses on lower visitor numbers and higher receipts as its model for sustainable tourism in the country. The government offers a full package of incentives to attract international investment. Growth has been bolstered by strong investment in the sector. Tourism and hospitality were boosted by an expansion in the number of hotel rooms--from 1860 in 2006 to 2,391 in 2007--and in an increase in the number of restaurants--from 75 in 2006 to 82 in 2007. Improved marketing of the mountain reserves through high profile visits, such as those by Bill Gates and Bill Clinton, have built confidence and encouraged more visitors to travel to Rwanda. Tourism has helped Rwanda to recover from the economic collapse following the genocide. A strategy based only on gorillas has proven successful, at least in the early stages of the development of the tourism sector. The government is now starting to think about diversifying its tourism industry to include exotic birds, cave exploration and water tourism. Consultations to introduce new products such as a boat on Lake Kivu to step up water tourism, and establishing Cave tourism in Musanze, are underway. Security is an important issue that must be addressed in order to attract international tourists. Tourism has provided sources of income to the rural population, which is getting more and more involved in formal economic activities related to tourism. References Highlights of International Visitor Arrivals in Rwanda -2008, Rwanda Office of Tourism and National Parks (ORTPN), Kigali, Rwanda. Groszligpietsch, Michael, 2007. Maximizing tourismrsquos contribution to poverty reduction in Rwanda. Westphalian Wilhelms-University, Muumlnster, Germany. Sustainable Tourism Development Master Plan for Rwanda, May 2009 United Nations World Tourism Organization. Executive summary. The graduation of Cape Verde from a low-income to a middle-income country in 2007 can be attributed in large part to the development of the tourism industry. As in Seychelles and Mauritius, tourism has had important spillover effects over the entire economy. Tourism is Cape Verdersquos fastest growing sector. In 1990, this sector contributed less than 2 to GDP. In 2008, tourism in Cape Verde accounted for nearly 16 of GDP (World Travel and Tourism Council) and for 14 000 jobs, representing 14.6 per cent of total employment. Since travel and tourism touches all aspects of this island economy, its real impact is even larger. WTTC estimates that tourism gross contribution to GDP was over 27, in 2008. Tourism was also estimated to have accounted for 99 of foreign direct investment inflows in 2008. Key success factorsdrivers of success Since 1991, the Government has undertaken a series of initiatives with the aim of transforming a centralized economy into a market economy. A direct result of this new strategy was a focus on: privatization, FDI inflows, exports and tourism to compensate for the declining trend in development assistance. The Cape Verdean government has identified tourism as an important instrument of economic development and it has created several incentives to attract investors to this sector and to improve the business climate. These incentives include: a 100 fiscal exemption in the first five years of investment a 50 discount in taxes in the following 10-year period an exemption of import taxes on all the materials used in the construction and exploitation of the hotel and tourist facilities and reduced taxes on profits that are reinvested in the same sector. The government of Cape Verde has established zones for integrated tourism development, where an investor can purchase the land from the state, and the state will reimburse the landowners. The purpose of these zones is also to target tourism investment in particular areas. The islandrsquos tourism sector is benefiting from its location (proximity to major European cities), its well developed transportation infrastructures, and its Diaspora. The downside risk of strong dependency on tourism is the sensitivity of the sector to economic conditions in touristsrsquo home countries. This underscores the importance of promoting high-value tourism and expanding the customer base, which has so far been dominated by visitors from Europe. De Almeida Pereira Daniela, 2005, ldquoThe Challenges of the Small Insular Developing States: Are the Mauritius and the Seychelles Examples for Cape Verde, rdquo Phd. Dissertation, Universidade Teacutecnica De Lisboa Fayissa Bichaka, Christian Nsiah, Badassa Tadasse, 2007, ldquoThe Impact of Tourism on Economic Growth and Development in Africa, Department of Economics and Finance, rdquo Middle Tennessee State University, Working Paper Grant Thornton Strategic Solution, 2007, ldquoIFC Cape Verde Program to Mobilize Investment: Tourism Component. rdquo Loureccedilo, J. and Foy, C. (2004), ldquoCabo Verde: Governaccedilatildeo e Desenvolvimento: Importacircncia das Parcerias Puacuteblico. Privadas. rdquo Estrateacutegia . Nuacutemero 20, Primeiro Semestre. Instituto de Estudos Estrateacutegicos e Internacionais, pp. 197. 240. World Travel and Tourism Council, 2009, Travel amp Tourism Economic Impact: Cape Verde World Travel and Tourism Council, 2009, Travel amp Tourism Economic Impact: Seychelles World Travel and Tourism Council, 2009, Travel amp Tourism Economic Impact: Mauritius KickStart Irrigation Pumps: Adapting Technology to Development Challenges KickStart International is a nonprofit organization with a mission to promote economic growth and employment creation in Africa by developing and promoting technologies that can be used by dynamic entrepreneurs to establish and run profitable small-scale businesses. KickStartrsquos most popular technology are human powered irrigation pumps, enabling small-holder farmers to enhance productivity, thereby improving household incomes and sustainably contributing to a reduction in rural poverty. Achievements amp impact of the innovation Over 83,000 small scale agricultural enterprises have been created during the last 18 years using KickStartrsquos irrigation pumps. These businesses generate new profits amounting to over 83 million annually and employ over 100,000 people. Irrigation pumps have helped over 400,000 people out of poverty thus far. Each pump is used to irrigate 0.56-acres (on average), and generates an average net annual income of US1,100 per year for its owner. On average, this represents a tenfold increase in the incomes that poor rural farmers made from sale of crops before they began to irrigate with KickStartrsquos irrigation pumps. In Kenya, over 23,000 hectares of land are irrigated using these pumps. Irrigation investment costs of less than 300 per hectare (compared to the conventional systems costing 3,000 ndash 5,000). The demand for the pumps has been increasing steadily over the last couple of years. By end of June 2009, KickStart had made and sold over 130,000 irrigation pumps. KickStart estimates that the potential across sub Saharan Africa exceeds 12 million families (over 60 million people). Key success factorsdrivers of success Most of KickStartrsquos design work is done in Nairobi, Kenya, at its Technology Development Centre. The team of engineers, designers and technicians develop and test prototypes to ensure performance, cultural acceptability and durability KickStart applies a unique set of design criteria: income generation, return on investment, affordability, energy efficiency, portability, ease of use and installation, strength and durability, design for manufacturing, cultural acceptability. KickStart is spends a lot of time ndash and the majority of its resources (mostly from grants amp donations) ndash building awareness, developing sales teams and marketing the irrigation pumps. It also employs labor intensive and innovative marketing techniques such as community pumping competitions during market days, demonstration set-ups at the retails shop and at the farm level. Private entrepreneurs and actors are a crucial component of KickStartrsquos success model for scaling up the use of low cost irrigation technology in Africa. The private sector profit-making supply chain involving manufacturers, wholesalers, distributors and retail shops is the most cost-effective and self-sustaining way of delivering KickStartrsquos low-cost irrigation pumps to the rural poor. The pumps are manufactured in large quantities in centralized factories, ensuring standardization and ldquofirst worldrdquo quality and extreme durability. The pumps are sold at over 200 retail outlets (mostly small agri-vet stores) in towns, villages and trading centers across Kenya, Tanzania amp Mali. The profit margin for the retailers provides a strong incentive for them to increase pump promotion and sales. Some parts (like piston cups and bushings) do wear out over time ndash and spare parts are available at those same retail stores. Lessons learned regarding applying technology-based solutions in agriculture Irrigation is a critical ingredient of efforts to increase agricultural productivity, reduce rural poverty and improve access to markets. A more reliable access to water through irrigation puts a high premium on the use of productivity enhancing inputs (improved seeds, fertilizers), provides a year round supply of produce, more flexibility, reliability, quality and product uniformity to satisfy the requirements of demanding markets, and enables producers to obtain higher seasonal prices. Thus, greater agricultural commercialization through irrigation could play an important role in reducing rural poverty. In addition, investments in treadle pumps irrigation have been shown to improve household food security and can provide a buffer to absorb shocks resulting from climate variability and climate change. Sustainability of private sector supply chain could be undermined by hand-outs and free giveaway projects from donors, governments, and NGOs. Equity Building Society of Kenya Reaches Rural Markets Equity Bank has been an innovator in providing access and financial products to Kenyarsquos underserved, rural population. On the verge of collapse in 1993, Equity brought in outside experts and committed to radical steps to turn the institution around. This commitment has led to improved financial performance and increased outreach. Equity Bank, a privately held Kenyan company, targeted the unbanked rural poor. Equity has grown from 12,000 depositors in 1993 to over 1.84 million depositors in 2008. Equity Bank is the leading microfinance institution in the country (with total assets in excess of 1 billion), serving 3.3 million micro and small clients. Through its social approach to banking, Equity Bank has rolled out unique and affordable financial products and services to support farmers and to commercialize farming. Equity has collaborated with various development partners in the private and public sector to support the agricultural value chain. In 2000, with the support of DFID and other international partners, Equity successfully launched a mobile banking program to reach remote rural areas. There are now more than 120 villages covered by mobile units, a six-fold increase over the original target of 20, and the units are servicing some 40,000 new customers, of which nearly half are women. Key success factorsdrivers of success Developing a market-driven, customer-focused approach was a prime factor in turning around a poorly performing portfolio, increasing deposits, and reaching rural customers. The bank has been innovative, creating new products to cater to the needs of agricultural customers. The institutionrsquos growth can be attributed to staff commitment and leadership, high-quality customer service, effective marketing, low barriers to access (especially compared to traditional commercial banks), appropriate product design, and an enabling environment. More recently, external support from donors has also been a contributing factor. As with mobile phone service providers across the continent, Equity has proved the viability of the low-margin, high volume business model. Mobile banking units can be a viable way to reaching isolated clients in rural areas. Flexible rural delivery mechanisms such as mobile banking need not be restricted to credit and deposit services, but can be used to offer a number of different services, including inter-branch cash transfers. Loans secured by contractual agribusiness payments can be an effective method of extending credit to farmers without taking on extensive risk, although this practice can exclude many smaller farmers. Emphasizing institutional capacity building is a proven tactic for donors to effectively support long-term MFI sustainability and growth. Cook, T. 2004, Equity Building Society: A Domestic Financial Institution Scales up Microfinance, in Scaling Up Poverty Reduction: Case Studies in Microfinance, The World Bank, Pearce Douglas, Myka Reinsch, 2005, Equity Building Society of Kenya Reaches Rural Markets, CGAP Agricultural Microfinance CaseStudy, No. 4 August 2005. Ethiopia rsquos Amhara Credit and Savings Institution: Providing Financial Products to Rural Communities The Amhara Credit and Savings Institution (ACSI) has successfully delivered much-needed financial services to remotely based, poor communities in the Amhara region. In doing so, ACSI has managed to achieve high levels of sustainability and financial independence. ACSI has increased access to lending and savings services for poor, underserved communities. Its loan portfolio has grown to US150m, with US48m mobilized in deposits. Sixty percent of its borrowers are women. ACSIrsquos average loan size has more than doubled to 218 during 2003-08. In spite of inadequate infrastructure, ACSI is dedicated to serving Amhara Statersquos rural poor. The institution has grown its portfolio largely from retained earnings. ACSIrsquos success is that is remains operational and profitable, when many micro finance institutions struggle to provide services to rural, remotely located and poor populations in developing countries. A detailed study (Garber et al. 2006) assessed the individual, household, enterprise and community level impact of ACSIrsquos microfinance as follows: Clients average income increased by 4740 Birr (377) Clients on average owned 7 livestock more than what they owned before ACSI Key success factorsdrivers of success ACSI is largely a self-funding institution, with savings deposits being an important component of its total funding. ACSI has attained a level of financial independence (thanks to healthy profits that can be reinvested in lending operations), which allows the institution to dictate and map out its own path, without heavy reliance on external funding sources. ACSI has been very innovative in the way it has used, adapted and replicated credit models to local conditionsmdashthis represents a combination of home grown solutions, an intimate understanding of the context, and maximizing the learning and experiences from other countries. The institutionrsquos profitability stems from the low cost per client, efficient operations, and client oriented staff. Its client focus has enabled ASCI to develop a range of diversified products that target different economic activities and production cycles, as well as financial needs of the rural poor. Garber C, Puneetha Palakurthi and Wolday Amha (2006) Socio-economic impact on ACSIrsquos clients: A decade of serving the productive poor in the Amhara region. (Draft) USAID, 2006, Amhara Credit and Savings Institutions: Ethiopia, Amap Financial Services Knowledge Generation ndash State Owned Retail Banks, Microreport 58 Kenya: Kenyan Womenrsquos Finance Trust The Kenya Women Finance Trust (KWFT) is a microfinance institution established by Kenyan women. The goal of the Trust is to promote economically active, low-income womenrsquos access to sustainable financial and non-financial services so as to enable these women to improve the economic and social status of their households. IFAD, in partnership with the Belgian Survival Fund, has been a major donor since 1992. KWFT re-opened in 1992, after being saved from the brink of bankruptcy by the trustrsquos original donors ndash UNDP and the Ford Foundation ndash stepped in to help rehabilitate the fund, enabling it to reopen in 1992. By 2006, its financial self-sufficiency ratio had increased to 105 and the fund was able to use its own income for operating and financial expenses. The trust has expanded from 24 branches in 4 regions of the country in 1998 to 46 rural branches in 8 regions in 2008. Member savings have soared to 16.8 million from 2.2 million in 1998. In 2006, KWFT disbursed US52 million in loans to its clients. Clearly, in the past decades the trust has surpassed all of its development objectives by a significant margin. More than 100,000 low-income Kenyan women are running small businesses with loans from KWFT, compared with 29,000 in 2000. Equally importantly, KWFT is still reaching its original target group of poor women. While some women have advanced through many loan cycles, creating bigger businesses and taking out larger loans, most of the trustrsquos borrowers are poor women. First loans for newcomers still start at 100 to 200. The fact that most of the trustrsquos clients continue to borrow shows that they consider KWFTrsquos services beneficial for themselves and their households. Small business loans remain the focal point of the KWFTrsquos operation, but new products have also been developed based on requests from clients. These include loans for school fees, solar panels, water tanks, cooking gas equipment and community phone lines, as well as voluntary life insurance. Key success factorsdrivers of success One of the keys to KWFTrsquos success is its very clear message: all loans must be repaid on time. If any group member has an overdue balance, all new disbursements to everyone in the group stop immediately. However, if members of the group meet their repayment schedules, KWFT guarantees automatically bigger loans after the old credit is paid. This gives clients an opportunity to plan ahead for the development of their small businesses. KWFT has expanded its funding sources, going beyond donor grants. In 2000, bank loans financed just 2 of KWFTrsquos portfolio. At the end of 2006, this figure had risen to about 50. The ability to co-operate and borrow from banks has been crucial for KWFTrsquos rapid growth. KWFT continues to evolve. For example, it beginning to transform itself into a deposit-taking financial institution, so as to reduce the overheads created by using other commercial banks and to pass on the savings in the form of cheaper loans to its members. KWFTrsquos responsive to its clientsrsquo needs has also been a contributing factor to the institutionrsquos growth and success. Financial self-sufficiency was achieved thanks to aggressive strategy aiming for a bigger impact by expanding into rural areas, including the poorest parts of the country. Reference: IFAD briefing: ruralpovertyportal. orgwebguestcountryvoicetagskenyakwft Connecting a continent: Africarsquos mobile telecommunications success story The mobile segment of Africarsquos information and communication technologies (ICT) sector has been a huge success. With remarkable speed and cost efficiency, mobile networks have connected the entire continent. The ICT revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa is being led by mobile telecommunications. In less than a decade, mobile networks have covered over 90 of Africarsquos urban population. Coverage of rural areas is also growing. Overall, 62 of the population is covered by mobile networks. Although growth is widespread, there is considerable variation across countries. The number of mobile users has grown from 10 million in 2000 to over 180 million in 2007. In 2006 alone, Sub-Saharan Africa saw an additional 37 million new mobile cellular subscribers, equaling the total number of (fixed and mobile) telephone subscribers in the region three years earlier. SSA has the highest ratio of mobile to telephone subscribers of any region in the world. This remarkable growth in mobile telecommunications has occurred despite relatively high price of service. The success of mobile technologies has radically transformed the African landscape, changing the way people work, entertain, shop, communicate and organize their lives. For example, M-pesa provides affordable branchless banking services such as deposits and withdrawals, transfers, and payments to customers. The ICT sector has positively impacted the regionrsquos growth: The Africa Infrastructure Country Diagnostic study estimates that investment in ICT and increased use of ICT services by businesses added roughly one percentage point to per capita income growth over the last decade. The success of the mobile telecommunications has demonstrated the viability of a low-input cost and low-margin, high volume business. Key success factorsdrivers of success Demand - and supply-side factors (regulatory reforms, falling costs, and technological innovation) are behind the spread of mobile telecommunications. The growth of mobile telecommunications has been spurred by wide-spread market liberalization of the ICT sector in Africa. Liberalization has brought competition to the ICT market, especially the mobile segment. As countries have moved away from monopoly run operators to more competitive structures, the availability and quality of telecommunication services has improved. Competition has also reduced costs. Operators have adopted innovative pricing schemes to make mobile telecommunications less expensive and to expand usage, including customizing schemes for poor customers. The ability of mobile operators to rapidly install networks and provide coverage is an important factor contributing to the success of mobile telecommunications. Mobile telecommunications are also easier to manage and operate than fixed phone lines. Esselaar S, Gillwald A, amp Stork C. (2007). Telecommunications Sector Performance in 16 African Countries: A supply-side analysis. Gasmi, F. and Ivaldi M. and Recuero Virto, L. 2008, An Empirical Analysis of Cellular Demand in south Africa, IDEI Working Paper 531, Institut drsquoEconomie Industrielle (IDEI), Toulouse Gillwald A. and C. Stork, 2008, Towards Evidence-Based ICT Policy and Regulation: ICT Access and Usage in Africa, Vol I, Policy Paper Two, Research ICT Africa Gray Vanessa, 2006, The Un-wired Continent: Africas Mobile Success Story, Economiacutea Exterior (No. 36) Gutierrez, L. H. S. Lee and L. Recuero Virto, 2009, Market Concentration and Performance in Mobile Markets in Africa and Latin America, OECD Development Centre (mimeo) OECD, 2009, African Economic Outlook United Nations, 2008, The United Nations E-Government Survey 2008: From E-Government to Connected Governance, United Nations Press Vodafone, 2008, Status Report. World Bank. 2009. ldquoAfrica Infrastructure Country Diagnostic. rdquo Rural Electrification in Mali The Household Energy and Universal Access Project (financed by IDA and GEF) is helping Mali to develop an adaptive and multi-layered approach to rural energy, combining bottom-up spontaneous small concessions with top down planned large concessions for electrification, and to develop community-based woodland management and inter-fuel substitution initiatives. Achievements As of June 30, 2009, a cumulative number of about 33,801 connections have been made and the project is on track to reach its original target of 40,000 connections. Through the project 735 public and community institutions and centers are connected including 122 schools and 103 health centers. In addition, the project is supporting the government to improve sustainability of woodland management, to implement demand-side management using compact fluorescent lamps (212,064 CFLs distributed), and to introduce energy efficient cooking devices (607,183 efficient wood and charcoal cook stoves distributed). For participating rural communities, the availability of modern energy services is allowing children to do their homework at night, women to have better health services and security at night, and a whole range of income generating activities are emerging from ice making. food processing to rural telephony, with markets now open even at night for business. The effective mobilization of local private sector operators, women associations, and community organizations in the delivery of energy services has tremendously contributed to the success of this project. Local private operators are the driving force of this project . They have provided an average matching co-financing of 25 of the financed schemes. Forty one (46) projects are financed so far through this approach, and about 30 business plans are under processing for their technical and financial viability. Women associations are also playing an important role in remote communities as providers of energy services . Women associations after receiving training in basic accounting in local language, provided by NGOs financed through the project, manage multifunctional platform pre-electrification initiatives. Sixty four (64) communities are currently benefiting from these services resulting in 7,200 connections. Community organizations are at the center of the woodland management initiatives. Through woodfuels supply master plans, community organizations are active in woodland management. About 717,094 hectares are under community-based woodland management and 252 rural wood markets have been created to help reduce pressure on the exploitation of forests for woodfuels production. Simple program design based on contextual conditions and constraints . Experience in energy access expansion programs in Mali has demonstrated that simplifying design is important to ensure effective and successful implementation. Institutional arrangements should be functional, and subsidy mechanisms and delivery models should be easy to implement. Complicated designs usually fail because of weak institutional capacity in implementation and lack of readiness of legal and regulatory frameworks. Importance of a clear Government energy strategy is required . A clear government strategy accounting for consumer choice, cost-reflective pricing, initiatives to remove first-cost barriers, and participation of local communities is required to promote the use of electricity services in rural communities. Publicprivate partnerships and role of local communities . Well-designed publicprivate sector partnerships are more effective in building and maintaining rural electrification services than public sector programs alone. The core of the rural electrification strategy is based on the Government setting up the objectives, policies, and regulations, whereas the implementation is left to the specialized public entities, local communities (in part through cooperatives), NGOs and to the private sector. Scalability and replicability of experience The successful experience of the spontaneous bottom up projects has demonstrated the potential of local private sector operators, women associations and community based organizations as key actors of rural electrification. Pre-requisites for scale-up and replication of this experience are: (i) a clear government strategy and commitment (ii) an adaptable rural energy agency able to work with local as well as foreign operators and (iii) an adequate and predictable financing through an established rural energy fund. Turning the Water on in Burkina Fasorsquos Capital City The Ouagadougou Water Supply Project helps turn a public utility into a smooth operator. Ouagadougoursquos clean drinking water was running out. The cityrsquos population had more than doubled between 1985 and 2000from 436,000 inhabitants to 980,000 inhabitantsand it was now supporting 40 percent of the countryrsquos urban population. Moreover, this population surge promised to go on for at least another decade. Water delivery was already sporadic, and only 30 percent of the population was connected to the water supply system. The National Water and Sanitation Utility (ONEA), a public utility, was responsible for water supply and sanitation in urban areas. But while ONEA was technically capable of managing the water supply systems, it didnrsquot have the resources to quench the growing demand for water in Ouagadougou. The government knew it had to act to boost the cityrsquos water supply and strengthen management of its urban water sector. Burkina Fasorsquos government asked for support and the response of the Bank and 11 other donors resulted in the IDA-financed Ouagadougou Water Supply Project . an integrated investment program. The project has succeeded in delivering a steady water supply to a wider population and is a major step on the path to meeting the water MDG. The number of Ouagadougou residents with household connections to piped water more than tripled in six years, from 300,000 in 2001 to 1,040,000 people in 2007. Ninety-four percent of the cityrsquos population1,480,000 peoplenow has access to safe water. And the supply is dependable. Compared to 2001 when the water service in Ouagadougou was chronically intermittent and weak, full-pressure service is now ensured 247. Sector management has also improved significantly. One of the projectrsquos actions was to implement a service contract with a private operator. Now, in addition to providing a steady water supply, ONEArsquos accounting is in order: the annual financial reports are on time and in accordance with international standards the bill collection ratio has increased from 86 in 2001 to 95.4 in 2007 and unaccounted-for-water (UFW) was stabilized at 18 percent, which compares well to the best performing water utilities in Sub-Saharan Africa. The financial equilibrium of the urban water sector has been restored, and ONEA is able to recover its OampM costs and its cash contribution to the capital expenditure program (Capex) from collected bills. The cash flow of the sector doubled from CFAF3 billion (US6 million) in 2001 to CFAF6 billion in 2006 (12 million, representing 30 percent of sales). Add to this the jump in the staff productivity index, which far exceeded the target of 230 connections per employee initially set for 2007 (the figure now stands at 810 connections), and itrsquos no surprise that a 2007 survey of ONEA customers found that 85 percent of them were highly satisfied with their water service. Because of the Ouagadougou Water Supply Project, the ratio of access to safe drinking water in urban towns of Burkina Faso has increased from 57 percent in 1994 to 74 percent in 2007a major step towards achieving the MDGs target of 80 percent in 2015 Key success factorsdrivers of success The Ouagadougou Water Supply Project was an integrated investment program that addressed technical and institutional factors, including the following: Developing new storage capacity to ensure a steady supply of water Expanding coverage by extending secondary and tertiary water distribution networks and by providing connections to low-income households Promoting efficiency by strengthening ONEArsquos capacity while using a service contract with an international water operator to manage ONEAs commercial, financial and accounting operations. While assembling the technical and institutional features of the project, the project team addressed social and environmental aspects as well. Drawing on lessons from earlier projects in the region, they found the major risk factors then proposed ways to mitigate them. Along with providing financing, the World Bank played a significant role in convening other donors around project preparation and funding, and guarantee the operationrsquos technical soundness. Bank knowledge was also put to work to ensure that governance and fiduciary issues were addressed. LEARN MORE The Ouagadougou Water Supply Project (2001ndash2007) (Project ID P000306 ) ldquoWater for Allrdquo in Madagascar The Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Pilot Project brings ldquoeau pour tousrdquo and revives a neglected sector. Madagascar had big problems in the water supply sector in the 1990s: only about 12 percent of the 12.5 million people living in rural area in Madagascar had access to potable water and hygiene standards and community education were scarce, sporadic, and weak. Driving this already bad situation was a disorganized and uncoordinated sector that lacked any real policy, legal, regulatory, or operational framework. What the country needed was a strategy. In May 1995, the government approved the Sector Strategy and Action Plan. The universal goal of this plan was to position the water supply sector as an engine of public health and social and economic progress. The immediate, local goals were to bring safe water and sanitation services to the countryrsquos population and ease the water fetching burden in rural areas. The strategy also hoped to raise the water supply level from 12 to 50 and the sanitation level from 5 to 30 by 2010. But this agenda would require capacity, budget, and reformespecially as Madagascar struggled to meet its Millennium Development Goal of providing 52 percent of the rural population with access to potable water and sanitation by 2015. The World Bankrsquos Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Pilot Project was designed to support the countryrsquos strategy. With the projectrsquos help, the government passed a new water law that gave it the legal, institutional and policy framework to support its rural water supply strategy. Meanwhile, on the ground, more water supply systems than originally planned were built and about 400,000 people (against 280,000 targeted at appraisal) gained access to safe water through the construction of 627 boreholes equipped with hand pumps and 320 gravity schemes. In addition, Madagascarrsquos sector delivery capacity increased as eight new NGOs were putting in about 300 new gravity systems per year, and international drilling companies were turning over about 350 boreholes per year. A project impact survey carried out in May 2005 revealed the following (the result of several factors): Distance for fetching water decreased from about 3 kilometers to less than 500 meters. Average time spent fetching water was reduced by 40 minutes per trip. Water consumption almost doubled, from an average 9 lpcd to 17 lpcd. Water-borne diseases were reduced (cholera, by 100 percent bilharzias, by 43 percent and diarrhea, by 8 percent). The cost of medication was cut by 37 percent, equivalent to about US9 per household per year. The governmentrsquos commitment to tackling the problems of lack of water supply and sanitation The Bankrsquos support confronted the issues of institutional support, capacity building, and infrastructure development. First, the project advanced sector reforms by building the capacity of public institutions, NGOs, and the private sector. The projectrsquos physical component then addressed the urgent needs of some rural populations, in particular where extreme lack of water resources threatened residents with famine. The project design also drew from other successful experiences in the country and the regionmdashfor example, it replicated the experience of NGOs already active in the sector for th e gravity and hand pump schemes. Bank involvement in this project was instrumental in putting rural WSS on the government radar screen. This was because it helped execute a project that delivered more reliable and sustainable service than was anticipated and by helping prepare a roll-out strategy. Because of the project, water supply has become a priority at every level of Madagascarrsquos society, and access to potable water is among the top five priorities on the governmentrsquos agenda. In 2005, the government had endorsed the national WSS program (Programme National drsquoAccegraves agrave lrsquoEau Potable et agrave lrsquoAssainissement-PNAEPA) aimed at reaching the MDG for the water and sanitation sector. This became known as ldquo Eau Pour Tousrdquo (Water for All). Learn more Madagascar Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Project (1997ndash2005) Improving Health Outcomes: Rwandarsquos Performance-Based Financing Scheme Using innovative approaches such as performance incentives to improve delivery of health services in a low income, post-conflict situation The 1994 conflict took its toll on Rwandarsquos health sector, and by the start of this decade the country had poor health indicators and one of the weakest health care systems in world. In 2005, the authorities moved boldly to adopt an innovative approachmdashpay-for-performance to health service providersmdashto address problems of underutilization and quality of curative, maternal, and child health care, as well as to improve delivery of HIVAIDS services. Rwanda was successful in nationally scaling up implementation of this approach in the health sectormdashat both public and private health facilities. Impact evaluation shows that performance incentives contributed to improved delivery of health servicesmdashutilization and quality of healthy care. Incentives increased use of preventive health care by 64 to 133 for children aged 0-23 months and 24-59 months, respectively and use of institutional facilities for child deliveries increased by an estimated 21. The plan promoted a results-oriented culture in the health sector and fostered innovative solutions. Key success factorsdrivers of success : Employing evidence from three donor-funded pilots to help promote the national scale up of a performance-based financing scheme. Key elements of the framework that enabled a scale-up were: designing an incentive approach to enhance effort and foster innovation standardizing the strategy and its application (fee structure, contracts, coverage of a core set of services) incorporating a performance-based financing (PBF) approach in strategic plans developing an implementation plan developing reliable, participatory, and cost-effective mechanisms to monitor results using rigorous impact evaluations to assess the performance of the incentive scheme and mobilizing stakeholder support. Also important was the strong government commitment to good governance. The Rwandan government adopted measures to strengthen accountability, transparency and cost effective measures in government agencies. It also increased spending in priority sectors such health and other health related reforms addressing demand and supply-side constraints and appropriate macroeconomic management of the economy. Donor support in terms of PBF pilots and quantity and effective delivery of aid. Challenges in implementing and managing the PBF scheme . Ensuring appropriate design of the incentive scheme while simultaneously adapting the scheme to changing priorities, capacity constraints and targeting the poorest segment of the population Avoiding negative spillovers to other parts of the health system. Sustainability (results and financial) Encountering financial and other limitations of pay for performance schemes Addressing demand-side constraints contributing to underutilization of health services and quality The Rwanda case demonstrates that supply-side performance incentives can improve health sector performance in low-income, post-conflict situations. How are these lessons different from those of other successful PBF schemes What is the scope for transferring the Rwanda experience to other LICs Strong government commitment along with the design, implementation, management, monitoring, and evidence-based assessment are key drivers of success. This incentive scheme has implications for vertical programs that have components for strengthening health systems. Basinga, Paul, Paul Gertler, Agnes Binagwaho, Agnes Soucat, Jennifer Sturdy, Christel Vermeersch. 2009. Draft ldquoPaying Primary Health Care Centers for Performance in Rwanda. rdquo Brenzel, L. Caryn Brendenkamp, Joseph Maimoli, Amie Batson, Rachel Skolnik, Anthony R. Mesham. 2009. ldquoTaking Stock: World Bank Experience with Results-Based Financing for Health. rdquo Eischler, Rena, Paul Auxila, Uder Antoine, and Bernateau Desmangles. 2009. ldquoHaiti: Going to Scale with a Performance Incentive Model. rdquo In Performance Incentives for Global Health: Potential and Pitfalls edited by Ruth Levine. CGD. Eichler, Rena. 2006. ldquoCan ldquoPay for Performancerdquo Increase Utilization by the Poor and Improve the Quality of Health ServicesrdquoDiscussion Paper for the first meeting of the Working Group on Performance-Based Incentives, CGD. Gottret, Pablo, and George Schieber. 2008. Health Financing Revisited: A Practionerrsquos Guide . World Bank. Rusa, Louis, Miriam Schneidman, Gyuri Fritsche, and Laurent Musango.2009. ldquoRwanda: Performance-Based Financing in the Public Sector. rdquo In Performance Incentives for Global Health: Potential and Pitfalls edited by Ruth Levine. CGD. Making Zambia a Malaria-Free Zone The Zambia Malaria Booster Project is showing that one of Africarsquos most intractable public health problems can be controlled. Malaria is a big problem in Africa and an even bigger problem in Zambia. Malaria has been Zambiarsquos leading cause of morbidity and the second highest cause of mortality. Until recently, malaria accounted for 45 percent of hospitalizations, 40 percent of under-five mortality, and 20 percent of maternal mortality. And the productivity losses and worker absenteeism spawned by the diseased have triggered an estimated 1.5 percent loss in GDP. Achievements In 2006, the government launched the 2006ndash2011 National Malaria Strategic Plan. With a program implementation budget of over 169.5 million through 2010, the plan set ambitious targets for scaling up the national response to the disease, including: Reduce the incidence of malaria by 75 percent and child mortality by 20 percent Find treatment for at least 80 percent of new malaria cases within 24 hours of symptom onset Provide protective measures, such as treated bed nets or indoor spraying, for at least 80 percent of those at risk of malaria, particularly pregnant women and children under 5 years of age. To bolster the governmentrsquos malaria control agenda, the World Bank responded with the Zambia Malaria Booster Project a venture designed to work hand-in-hand with Zambiarsquos National Malaria Program. Survey data show that the projectrsquos impact between 2006 and 2008 has been remarkable: Households with one long-lasting insecticide-treated bed net increased from 48 to 72. Indoor residual spraying coverage increased from 15 (2006) to 36 districts (2008) and population coverage increased from 1.2 million to 3.5 million people. The percentage of children with parasitemia decreased from 28.8 to 10.2 as did the percentage with anemia from 13.3 to 4.3. Malaria cases and deaths in children under five declined to 29 and 33 respectively for all age groups, malaria cases declined 31 while deaths declined 37. Key Success factorsdrivers of success It was important to design the right support project for the governmentrsquos bold agenda. The booster project has three components: (a) Strengthening the national health system to improve service delivery (b) Community Malaria Booster Response , which focuses on community demand-driven interventions (c) Program management, which includes building institutional capacity in the Ministry of Health. Overall, the project intended to increase access to and use of interventions for malaria prevention and treatment by the target population, especially children under the age of five years, pregnant women, and everyone infected with malaria. In order to address weaknesses in the health system, particularly the human resource crisis, planners incorporated several health system interventions in the project design, including an HR retention scheme and support for the district health management team. Procurement presented another weak area, so the project structure had to include new ways of handling the large quantities of goods to be accommodated in the system. Communities wanted support to develop activities that would promote health, including awareness campaigns, cleaning up breeding sites, and transporting malaria cases. Planners knew that empowering communities would be a vital part of making outcomes sustainable. Attract support for the governmentrsquos program from other key partners. Looking ahead The program has launched a number of core interventions: Maintain coverage of preventive activities through support for the IRS campaign and LLIN procurements and distribution Increase utilization of existing nets through the strengthening of IECBCC for effective implementation and behavior change Improve case management through improved diagnostic capacity (procurement of RDTs and capacity building for health workers) and the strengthening of the logistics management system to improve commodity availability at health facility level Strengthen epidemic response and operations research So far financing has been from multilateral donors, therefore there is a need for financial sustainability World Development Report 2009. Yoshino (2008). ldquoDomestic Constraints, Firm Characteristics, and Geographical Diversification of Firm-Level Manufacturing Exports in Africardquo, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 4574. Isik and Yoshino (2009) Patterns of Foreign Direct Investment Flows and Investment-Trade Linkages in Southern Africa: A Channel of Spatial Spillover of Growth in the Sub-Region

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